Indonesia’s “New Order” regime began when former President Suharto came into power in 1967, following the rule of former President Sukarno that is commonly referred to as “Old Order” regime.

The New Order

The New Order has been depicted mostly in a favourable light, by analysts such as economists, demographers and agriculturalists, while some others have taken a more negative view (Hill, 1994). However, the real benefits which have been acknowledged to have arisen from the regime, as stated by Hill (1994) were the strong and stable government, successful family planning programmes and Indonesia’s regional contribution and key role in the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). “It has fostered a sense of nationhood and raised living standards” (Schwartz, 1994, p307) and most importantly, introduced and supported the “rapid spread of basic education.” (Hill, 1994, xxii). Upon Independence from the Dutch colonial rule in 1945, the people of Indonesia were promised basic education and this was fully realised during the time of President Suharto- the New Order regime. 

Unified Educational System

In the Presidential Decree given in 1989, Bapak Suharto and his Ministers of Education, Finance and Religion, placed an emphasis on introducing one unified educational system throughout the nation. This was achieved in the first of many 5 year plans, which was called Repelita under the Inpres programme, during the years 1979-1983. (Leigh, 1999, p42)

Following an oil boom, the government was able to spend greatly in the infrastructural development of Primary Schools. These schools were constructed across the entire archipelago, enabling the regional villages to have full access to basic education for the children.

The primary school education had been compulsory for all children between the ages 7-12 years to attend, since 1974. The new system, in making education more affordable, attractive and accessible, also allowed the absenteeism levels to be more controllable.

In order to allow for family work needs and commitments as well as cater for the enormous population of children, the school day was divided into two halves, morning school and afternoon school. 

From the time of Indonesia’s independence from the Dutch to 1987, 8 years beyond the introduction of the new education system, there was 10 times the number of children attending Sekolah Dasar- SD (Primary School), 68 times those attending Sekolah Menengah Pertama- SMP (Junior High School) and 200 times the amount attending Sekolah Menengah Atas- SMA (Senior High School). (Leigh, 1999, p 42) This was a great educational achievement for the new system introduced by the New Order regime.

This unified system of education was an instrument of national unity. The main aim was the “formation of moral-capable human beings and democratic citizens with a sense of responsibility to the prosperity of society and country.” (Parker, 1992, p 45) 

Unity in Diversity

The nation-state motto of Bhinneka Tunggul Ika – Unity in Diversity (Hill, 1994) was the basis upon which the children from across the archipelago were taught. The unifying language, Bahasa Indonesia, and the strong emphasis on the nation’s 5 principles of Pancasila, have reinforced the unity of the people of Indonesia. However, it has been stated that in recent times the “Pancasila has not been honoured” (2001) and that Indonesia is “not democratic in the Pancasila sense” (Schwartz, 1994).

National History

The use of national history has also been a tool utilised in the school curriculum to focus on the cohesion of the many provinces and the nation, and incorporates many of the regional histories under the national banner  (Leigh, 1991). On National Hero’s day, heroes and heroines from many of the country’s provinces are remembered and honoured, such as Tjoet Nyak Dien of Aceh (2000).

The highly centralized curriculum ensured that the children of Indonesia all had equal learning and were graded very fairly. This was achieved through nation-wide tests held in yr 6, yr 9 and yr 12 of the schooling career and standard national text books. The exams were all multiple choice, as the shear quantity of papers to mark could only be done with the aid of computer analysis. This has been seen by some to have given education a “black and white” approach to learning, thought to have limited some ability for critical analysis (Leigh, 1991).

Muslim Education Behind Christian Institutions

The Scholarship system, which was carried over from the time of Colonial rule, has generally favoured the minority groups of the Christian people, who hold the majority of higher professional positions in proportion to the ratio of population. 

In addition, “the Christian private schools almost all the time are far better than government or Islamic schools. The Muhammadiyah education institution, an Islamic organization, is one of the most advanced education institutions in Indonesia. But they are still far behind the Christian institutions. The fact is: the Christian education institutions have more money than our Islamic brotherhood institutions.” (Pidie, 2001)

Taman Mini Indonesia Indah

The focus of national unity throughout the formal schooling system was also ever present in life outside of the classroom. The period of the New Order regime saw a boom in the construction of museums, (Errington, 1997) the first major project of which was Taman Mini Indonesia Indah- Beautiful Indonesian in a Miniature Park. Opened by the late Mrs Suharto in 1971, Taman Mini is a theme park outside Jakarta “designed to portray the diversity of Indonesia’s population and serves as a showpiece of the state philosophy of Pancasila.” (Hitchcock, 1998, p 124)

Taman Mini Indonesia Indah features traditional houses from 26 of Indonesia’s provinces, surrounding a lake in which is a physical map of the archipelago. It plays an important role in educating the people of Indonesia about their nation and its peoples, thus inspiring further feelings of national identity and pride.

The further reiteration of the history the younger population has learned, is present in the many street names in Jakarta and cities throughout the nation. As Nas (1992) has explained that these street names, represent, among other things, Kings, Heroes, Heroines and the many islands of the nation. The daily effect this has on the population is a reminder of the different ethnic groups and events that make up the Republic of Indonesia.

Monuments

The New Order regime has also placed an emphasis on the many monuments that decorate the nation’s capital, Jakarta. These monuments, many which were built upon Independence, have been classified by Nas (1992) into four categories:

1. Early history

2. Javanese mythology

3. Liberation and independence

4. Important events

Monuments such as Monuman Nasional, Proklamasi, Panca Sila Sakti, Liberation of Irian Jaya, Selamat Datang and Hanuman, all evoke different emotions and thoughts within the population in regards to Indonesia’s past, present and future. Similarly, monuments throughout the provinces representing the local ethnic group itself and its fight for independence. However, all these monuments act as a reminder to all Indonesians as to how independence was achieved in becoming a unified state and how Indonesia has progressed into the modern world.

The focus on the monuments was further reiterated when several stamp collections were released on Monumen Nasional in 1962, then Panca Sila Sakti in 1967, and finally Monumen Proklamasi in 1981. (Nas, 1992)

The many monuments in Jakarta are often featured in the footage of the daily news.

The ever-evolving education of an individual in amongst a population of approximately 220 million people, has a great influence on both the individual and society. This education begins in the home, prior to the beginning of school, and continues outside and beyond the classroom, thus creating a continuous process. In the past, this has enabled the learning of the local dialect (see appendix 1) and other traditions pertaining to that particular ethnic group, before formal education begins.

Family Values

The family values and norms provide the foundation for the child’s early development of education, beliefs and attitudes, and then the school curriculum begins the formal education process. The most important influence in education is the entire process rather than any one aspect. The external educational influences play an important role in reminding and reiterating that which is formerly learned- Unity in Diversity. This diversity is so great across the archipelago, that even the matriarchal culture of the Minangkabau people in Sumatera Barat, is maintained to this day.

Unity or Disintegration

The process of education serves as a continuous enforcer of national unity. National pride is witnessed on Independence Day on August 17^th, when Indonesian people within Indonesia and abroad, stand to observe the national anthem.

In recent years, however pressures from the International community have continuously suggested how they felt Indonesia should be governed. The discussion of “national disintegration” has been repeated often enough to erode the confidence in not only the world opinion of Indonesia’s unity, but that of the Indonesian people themselves.

As stated by international observers, the “survival of Indonesia as a single state can no longer be taken for granted”, and that the unified front of Indonesia is not “legitimate” (Lowry, 1999). 

Breaking Down Islam in South East Asia

In breaking the strength of the country, the Economic crisis and tensions and feelings of disunity were created. The crisis in Indonesia has since been revealed to have been greatly escalated and controlled by the Clinton administration and the International Monetary Fund who blocked any programs to aid Indonesia’s currency problems, as they:
“Sought to create currency chaos to get rid of then President Suharto” (2000). It could be argued as to why the Clinton Admin wanted this to occur, but most learned people are of the opinion that it simply was to break down the strength of Islam in South East Asia.

Due to the regional tensions that exist throughout the archipelago and the many complaints about most of the political power lying on Java, (Underwood, 2000) it has been seen as reality that Indonesia could break up. However, there are more reasons to suggest the opposite.

Cribb (1999, p175) has stated that Indonesia’s unity is not at “serious risk” because the nation-state “lacks the appropriate internal borders along which the country might be torn apart”, and that there is “no serious political, cultural, social or economic agenda in Indonesia which would be served by disintegration.” This reasoning is justified because very few of the nations islands or provinces are effective “nations-of-intent” due to the diverse spread of ethnic groups throughout the archipelago and past colonial history, during which “larger units of control were more effective during colonial rule than smaller ones” (Cribb, 1999).

Kerry Collison (2000) has also stated that “Megawati has already cut a deal with the TNI to ensure that Indonesia does not break up.” (see appendix 2)

Cribb also states that Indonesians see their country as a great strength against the “predatory” motives of the world, and as a united front, they could have remained well protected, but the unfortunate IMF debts now leave them vulnerable. International interests will continue to penetrate into the operations of the country, however the focus of national unity instilled into the lives of the Indonesian people will act to slow down, if not completely prevent, national disintegration from occurring. Most especially under the new Presidential leadership of Ibu President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Ibu Suharto

The educational system introduced and supported by the New Order regime acted to unite the people of Indonesia, with the aim of preventing both external or internal conflict from allowing the country to destabilise under Suharto. This was most especially evident while his wife was alive, due to her deep understanding of the diversity of the ethnic groups.

In recent years, however, external pressures and personal agendas in the political power arena, have acted to fuel national disunity and conflicts amongst the peoples, such as the recent conflict between former President Abdurrahman Wahid and President Megawati Sukarnoputri. These conflicts may increase the potential for national disintegration. 

The test now, is how the educational influences will direct Indonesia from those selected individuals who had gained scholarships and other favours from Christian, Buddhist [and now communist backgrounds], who will slowly and surely follow a "democratic" style government despite the presence of Islam, while at the same time encouraging a return to adat (customary) law, which can only create further disunity.

Appendix 1

Madurese Language Sample

Translation

When you enter a house, say first: "Peace be on this house." And if a peaceful person is present there, your peace shall rest upon him; but if not, it shall return to you. Remain in the same house, eating and drinking whatever is given to you, do not go from house to house.

Appendix 2

 
A letter From Kerry Collison

Sat, 4 Nov 2000 08:59:44 +1100

Dear Zaynab,

Many of us believe that as long as Indonesia has weak leadership, then Aceh and West Papua (Irian) have a chance at achieving independence. However, in the event Wahid goes soon and Megawati becomes President, there is little doubt that the situation will become brutal, as Megawati has already cut a deal with the TNI to ensure that Indonesia does not break up. That would mean a repeat of what happened under Suharto and Aceh and W. Papua would never become independent, just achieve special autonomy.

However, there is a very strong groundswell growing internationally to support both Aceh and W. Papua for their drive to become independent. Aceh, we know, should never have been forced into the new republic in 1949 at the Hague conference and, as the plebiscite in what was then Irian Barat was, in fact, flawed as only 1,000 'selected' pribumi were given the chance to voice their opinions under the UN scheme in 1968, then there are also grounds for an appeal to the UN to hold another plebiscite. As for Indonesia [edited], should Aceh go, W. Papua would most certainly follow within a number of years and after what would be a bloody civil war there (similar to TimTim), there is little doubt that from Ambon to Ujung Pandang many will seek to break away from Jakarta, and across in Kalimantan the Dayaks and Malays will want the same.

The main reason most of Indonesia's neighbours don’t support the separatist movements is that they are so concerned that, if the country broke up into a number of smaller nations, the 110 million Javanese would lose all the rich, resource income from the other provinces, throwing Java into turmoil which would, in turn, generate up to 20 million Javanese who could not feed their families. The result? A massive exodus from Java to the other islands, most probably towards Nusa Tenggara, the spillage of refugees could be as many as 5 million, many of whom would end up in Australia, Malaysia and, of course, fight with the Christian dominated areas. You might want to read my book "The Fifth Season" which predicts most of this. It is now available in Indonesia and you can read something about it on my web site.

Salam hangat,
Kerry

References

*Collison, Kerry (2000) Letter, 4th November 2000.
*Cribb, R. (1999) Not the next Yugoslavia: Prospects for the disintegration of Indonesia, Australian Journal of International Affairs, vol. 53, no. 2, pp. 169-78. (3.5)
*Errington, S. (1997) The cosmic theme park of the Javanese, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affiars, vol. 31, no 1, June, pp 7-35. (1.4)
*Hill, Hal (1994) Indonesia’s New Order, Allen and Unwin, NSW Australia.
*Hitchcock, M. (1998) Tourism, Taman Mini and national identity, Indonesia and the Malay World, vol. 26, no. 75, pp 124-35. (1.5)
*Leigh, B. (1991) Making the Indonesian State: The role of school texts, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 25, no. 1, pp 17-43. (3.2)
*Leigh, B. (1999) Learning and knowing boundaries: Schooling in New Order Indonesia, Sojourn, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 34-56. (3.4)
*Lowry, B (1999) Indonesia: Outlook for the Future, Journal of the Royal United Services Institute of Australia, vol 20, pp 47-51. (1.2)
*Nas, P. (1992) Jakarta, city full of symbols: An essay in symbolic ecology, Sojourn, vol. 7, no. 2, pp 175-207. (1.3)
*Parker, L. (1992) The creation of Indonesian citizens in Balinese primary schools, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 26, no 1, Winter, pp. 42-70. (3.3)
*Pidie, Rizali (2001) Personal Communication, 10^th August 2001.
*Schwartz, Adam (1994) A Nation in Waiting- Indonesia in the 1990s, Allen and Unwin, NSW Australia.
*Underwood, I. (2000) Indonesia -A Paradise In Waiting,10^th August, 2001

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