Azad Kashmir- is it Azad ? Part  2   

  Part One

  Part Three

Part  2  Provisional Government Reorganised

It was absolutely clear that those who announced the Provisional Republican Government for Kashmir had an independent Kashmir in mind, and this did not go down well with the authorities in Pakistan. In order to serve what they perceived as their national interest, they decided to ‘kill’ this idea of an independent Kashmir, and install their own men in charge of this Provisional Government. So in the name of ‘reorganisation’ a new set up was put in the place of the Provisional Government, and it was announced on 24th October 1947.

Nowadays, very few people make any reference to the Provisional Government announced on 4th October, and every effort is made to highlight the one announced on 24th. Some even deny the announcement of 4th October, and claim that it was a ‘conspiracy of some Qadianis’. No doubt those who made that announcement on 4th October had some Qadianis among them, but they did that as Kashmiri nationalists rather than ‘Qadianis’. Anyhow this was another reason why authorities in Pakistan felt it necessary to ‘topple’ this Provisional Government. The only good thing in the announcement of 24th October was a reference to the Provisional Government of 4th October, and it reads like this:

‘The Provisional Azad Government, which the people of Jammu and Kashmir had set up a few weeks back with the object of ending intolerable Dogra tyrannies and securing to the people of the State, including Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, the right of self – government, has now established its rule over a major portion of the State territory and hopes to liberate the remaining pockets of Dogra rule very soon. In view of these circumstances it has been reconstituted with Mr Ibrahim, Barrister-at-Law, of Poonch as its Provisional head and its headquarters has been moved to Pulandri, in Poonch’

The statement claimed that the Provisional Government is non-communal and ‘will include Muslims as well as non- Muslims in the Provisional Cabinet’. It expressed its desire to have friendly relations with both India and Pakistan, and expected that ‘both the Dominions will sympathise with the people of Jammu and Kashmir in their effort to exercise their birthright of political freedom………..’  

Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim-President of New Provisional Government

Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim was appointed the President of new Provisional Government at the age of 30. It is interesting to note that when he went to bed on the night of 23rd October, he didn’t know that he would become a President of the Provisional Government the next day. Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim himself acknowledges that he did not know anything about this until on the night of 23rd October ‘I was awakened almost at the dead of night by Khawaja Abdul Rahim and Nasim Shah Nawaz…..who told him that it had become necessary to announce the formation of a reconstituted Government with himself as President, and that the announcement could not be delayed.’

Those who played a leading role in ‘King making’ were Khawaja Abdul Rahim, Commissioner Rawalpindi Division, Nawab Iftikhar Hussain Mamdot, Chief Minister of Punjab and Nasim Shah Nawaz, who was married to General Akbar Khan. This clearly shows that the decision to ‘reorganise’ was planned and executed by the Pakistani officials. They, of course, would not appoint anyone as President who would disobey them. Full credit goes to them, they selected the right man who has served the Pakistani interest through out his life; even in his old age he is still carrying his duty loyally.  

Ghulam Nabi Gilkar- Head of the first Provisional Government

Two main reasons are given for this ‘reorganisation’ one is that Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, head of the first Provisional Government, was Qadiani, and that he had no permission from the party leaders (Muslim Conference leadership) to set up a Provisional Government. Both arguments are illogical, if Ghulam Nabi Gilkar was Qadiani then so was Sir Zafarull Khan, first Foreign Minister of Pakistan. Why wasn’t he removed from his post, and if he was ‘suitable’ to represent Pakistani interest, why Ghulam Nabi Gilkar could not have remained as Head of the Provisional Government of Kashmir.

As for getting the permission is concerned all the prominent leaders of the Muslim Conference, such as Choudhry Hameedullah Khan, Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim, Mir Waiz Mohammed Yousaf Shah etc, were present in Rawalpindi. If this logic makes the first Provisional Government ‘illegal’ then it also makes the second one ‘illegal’ because the Muslim Conference leadership was not consulted on this occasion as well.

The main reason for toppling Ghulam Nabi Gilkar’s Provisional Government was that it was in hands of those who believed in an independent Kashmir and Pakistani authorities were only interested in getting Kashmir, and not in Azadi of the people. What happened to Ghulam Nabi Gilkar afterwards is not known. After taking this daring step he decided to go back to Srinagar to organise people in support of this government, but he was arrested on the way, and mystery still surrounds his arrest and what happened to him afterwards.

To what extent the Azad Kashmir government is Azad could be seen from the fact that its first President was selected and appointed by some people in Rawalpindi in October 1947, and its present President is also selected and appointed by some people in Rawalpindi. He is also Sardar like the first President, and like him probably didn’t know if he was getting a ‘new job’ in a form of a ‘promotion’, when he was planning his week as a general before becoming the President of Azad Kashmir.

The only difference between the two Presidents is that the present one is selected and appointed in 21st Century, and Azad Kashmir Assembly was told to rubber stamp his appointment as a President, and in October 1947 there was no such assembly. However this debate will continue as people in Azad Kashmir and especially some of their leaders think they are ‘Azad’.

It might be argued that deep inside their hearts, the  majority of people in Azad Kashmir know they are not ‘azad’ by any stretch of imagination, but they would still like to be called ‘azad’ because of two reasons: 

1.      It gives them some sense of false pride that they are azad;

2.      But more importantly if they say they are not ‘azad’ then the question would be, what are they doing to change their situation. Despite better facilities Kashmiri people on the other side of the LOC ( Line of Control ) were considered as not ‘azad’ and they felt necessary to rebel against that situation.

People of ‘Azad Kashmir’ feel it is better to declare them, as ‘azad’ then there would be no obligation to ‘rebel’ or do something to change the situation. So in other words one can take this as another kind of escapist attitude, and refusal to call a spade a spade.

It would be interesting to note that in ‘Ghulam Kashmir’ the Chief Minister has the right to travel to all parts of Kashmir on that side of the LOC, and this right is not denied to other leaders. Despite a large concentration of army, some Kashmiri leaders like Shabir Shah have used this right to travel to Ladakh and Jammu to conduct political activities. But on this side of the LOC where apparently ‘azad people live, the President and Prime Minister of ‘Azad Kashmir’ have no right to travel to Gilgit and Baltistan, areas of State of Jammu and Kashmir.

At the height of the Freedom struggle in the mid 1990s, one popular Azad Kashmiri Prime Minister expressed his desire to visit Gilgit and Baltistan. He was told categorically by officials of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs (Pakistan) that he cannot go there; and that he was Prime Minister of ‘Azad Kashmir (area of around four thousand square miles), and Gilgit and Baltistan (area of around 28000 Sq miles) does not fall under his jurisdiction. The ‘poor’ Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir had to accept this ‘order’ and come back to Muzaffarabad.

Not only that these high officials cannot travel to Gilgit and Baltistan, no Kashmir organisation or group is entitled to go there and hold any political activity. Many years ago some activists of National Students Federation from ‘Azad Kashmir’ tried to go to Gilgit and Baltistan to hold political meetings. They were arrested on their arrival, tortured, heads and moustaches shaved, disgraced and ‘dishonoured’ and thrown in remote areas of North West Frontier without any food or means to travel back.

Without any food and money to travel back they really had a hard time getting back home. And above all, the way they were ‘dishonoured’ by their own Muslim brothers put shame to them, and since then no group has attempted to go back there. Who says we are not ‘azad’, those who say we are not ‘azad’ must be enemy ‘agents’.